This report is an account of a brief visit by the writer to four
Jewish population centers in Ukraine: Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhya,
Melitopol, and Kyiv. In none of these cities was the writer able
to observe a comprehensive array of local Jewish institutions.
Long under the domination of Russia, earlier as
part of the Russian empire and more recently as a republic of the
Soviet Union, Ukraine declared independence in 1991 as the Soviet
Union collapsed. Sharing
a long northern and eastern border with Russia, Ukraine’s
other neighbors are Belarus, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania,
and Moldova. It has a long coast line upon the Black Sea. The territorial
area covered by Ukraine approximates that of France. In the 11 years
of its indepen-dence, Ukraine’s population has de-creased
from ap-proximately 53 mil-lion in 1991 to just over 48 million
in late 2002.1
Poor health conditions, significant environ-mental degradation,
political and eco-nomic instability, and emigration of younger individuals
account for the troubling demogra-phic trends.2
Five cities in Ukraine boast populations of one
million or more: Kyiv, the capital, approximately 2.6 million; Kharkiv,
1.5 million; Dnipropetrovsk, 1.1 million; and Donetsk and Odesa,
each 1 million. Zaporizhya is just behind the leaders, home to about
875,000. Melitopol, located to the south of Zaporizhya, is far smaller,
with a population of approximately 170,000.
Until recently, post-Soviet Ukraine has enjoyed
a relatively high rate of economic growth. However, economic growth
rates have slipped during the past year, evidence of the reality
that such growth has been based on the strengthening of existing
capacity rather than the creation of new economic assets. Investment
in new technology and industry is negligible, reflecting, in part,
reluctance of business to advance capital in a country with an immature
legal system, pervasive corruption, a retreat from full freedom
of expression, and an oligarchic government in ongoing crisis.
Widespread economic hardship, chronic abuse of
the Presidential office, vote-rigging, and increasing press censorship
led to mass rallies against President Leonid Kuchma in Kyiv on September
16, 2002, a date chosen to coincide with the anniversary of the
disappearance of opposition journalist Hryhoriy Gongadze two years
previously. Mr. Gongadze’s headless corpse was found two months
after his disappearance in a field west of Kyiv. He was one of at
least eight Ukrainian journalists to have died under mysterious
circumstances since Ukrainian independence. The most recent, Mykhailo
Kolomiyets, was found dead in Belarus in November 2002.
Audio tapes allegedly recorded in Mr. Kuchma’s
office strongly suggest Presidential involvement in the silencing
of Mr. Gongadze. The same series of tapes also disclosed Presidential
approval of the clandestine sale and shipment of Ukrainian-manufactured
radar equipment to Iraq through a Jordanian inter-mediary.
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$100 million sale of the Kolchuga radar system to Iraq, in flagrant
disregard of United Nations sanctions against that country, has
led to a severe crisis of confidence between Ukraine and the United
States and its allies. A mobile and compact Soviet-designed system
capable of detecting objects that omit radar signals while remaining
invisible itself, the Kolchuga radar would complicate American military
strikes against Iraq. The United States suspended U.S. government
aid to Ukraine in September 2002, withholding $55 million.
On November 16, Mr. Kuchma dismissed
his entire cabinet, including Prime Minister Anatoliy Kinakh. Appointed
as new Prime Minister was Viktor Yanukovych, a Soviet-style regional
boss from the eastern industrial city of Donetsk, a conservative
stronghold of tumultuous politics and business. Mr. Yanukovych’s
ascension to power is perceived to further impede necessary government
reforms and to exacerbate existing political tensions. He is the
seventh Ukrainian Prime Minister in eight years.
Western displeasure with Mr.
Kuchma was nowhere more evident than at a NATO conference in Prague
on November 21-22, 2002. Informed that his presence would be undesirable,
Mr. Kuchma appeared anyway, forcing NATO into an awkward situation
that humiliated the Ukrainian leader and made headlines around the
world. Reluctant to utilize the traditional alphabetical seating
plan that would have placed the leader of Ukraine next to Prime
Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom and just one seat away
from President George Bush of the United States, NATO staff employed
French, its second official language, for the first time in NATO
history, thus placing Ukraine at the end of the row, with only “Turquie”
as its neighbor.
Notwithstanding his current difficulties,
Mr. Kuchma is expected to remain in office until his term expires
in 2004. The two most prominent rabbis in the country, Chief Rabbi
Yaakov Dov Bleich of Kyiv and Chabad Rabbi Shmuel Kaminezki of Dnipropetrovsk,
both enjoy good relations with Mr. Kuchma.
The Ukrainian Jewish population,
believed to number between 225,000 and 275,000, is concentrated
in large cities. Perhaps 70,000 to 100,000 reside in Kyiv, 30,000
to 35,000 in Dnipropetrovsk, 30,000 in Kharkiv, 28,000 in Odesa,
and 10,000 to 15,000 each in Donetsk, Krivyy Rih (Krivoi Rog), and
Simferopol. The Jewish population is aging, its average age close
to 60. The death to birth ratio is far worse than the 2:1 rate for
the country as a whole; among Jews, the ratio is believed to be
between 10:1 and 13:1. Younger Jews continue to flee small Jewish
population centers, many emigrating to Israel or to Germany, some
resettling in larger Ukrainian cities.
Antisemitism appears to be increasing
in Ukraine, although the incidence and severity of anti-Jewish attacks
is lower than in neighboring Russia. Until recently, anti-Jewish
bigotry seemed to be confined to street incidents and commentary
in crude small-circulation periodicals and in broadsheets. However,
recent months have seen the emergence of antisemitism in mainstream
publications and in a slick management
monthly, Personal. Obser-vers attribute the rise in such bigotry
to Ukrainian and Russian nationalism, skinhead and soccer hooliganism,
‘imported’ antisem-itism from Russia, activity of Arab
students at Ukrainian universities and other institutions, and anti-government
sentiment. Regarding the latter, several prominent supporters of
increasingly discredited President Leonid Kuchma are Ukrainian Jewish
oligarchs.
The November 4 issue of Telenedelya,
a national television weekly carries a crossword puzzle in which
a three-letter word for Jew is required. The correct response is
жид or zhid, the Russian word for Yid.
1. Vyecheslav
“Slavik” Brez is the Executive Director (Исполнительный
директор) of the
Philanthropic Fund of the Dnipropetrovsk
Jewish Com-munity (Благотворительный
фонд Днепропетровского
еврейского
общины), the most advanced
Jewish community philanthropic organization in all of the post-Soviet
successor states. A native of Dnipropetrovsk, he resides in the
city with his wife and two small children.
Mr. Brez estimates the Jewish
population of the city to be between 30,000 and 40,000. Perhaps
as many as 50,000 Jews live in the Dnipropetrovsk region as a whole,
he said.
Mr. Brez noted that the Philanthropic
Fund raised $600,000 during the 2001-2002 fiscal year, 3
an amount insufficient to cover new projects under development in
the Jewish community. The most pressing problem, he continued, is
a $400,000 deficit incurred in construction of the Beit
Baruch Assisted Living Facility (see below) when several
prospective donors failed to honor significant pledges to the project.
Considerable funds must be expended in servicing this debt.4
On the bright side, however, the Philanthropic Fund continues to
attract new donors, including two successful local businessmen under
30 years of age.5
In other matters related to the
Philanthropic Fund itself, Mr. Brez noted that the Board of the
Fund has established a committee to create new approaches to increase
support of Israel in its current situation. This committee
will address its energies to both the local Jewish population and
to the community at large, including meetings with local journalists.
The committee might even sponsor trips to Israel for both print
and television journalists.
Mr. Brez expressed distress at
an increase in antisemitism, both locally and nationally. He noted
that the stature of Bogdan Khmelnytsky
as a historical figure has been elevated in recent months, without
any consideration accorded to his role in 17th century pogroms.
6 The
Jewish community, said Mr. Brez, must educate Ukrainians about the
Cossack leader’s murderous actions against Jews.
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1. An
Associated Press dispatch of November 14, 2002, quotes an October
announcement of a Ukrainian government office report indicating
a mid-October population of 48,069,000. The report states that the
current Ukrainian birth rate is 8.0 per 1,000 people and the current
death rate is 15.3 per 1,000 people.
2. Demographic
trends in Russia are similar, although the most recent population
statistics from Russia show some stabilization.
3. The
Philanthropic Fund uses the Jewish calendar year for accounting
purposes.
4. As
the writer was leaving the city, Rabbi Shmuel Kaminezki, Chief Rabbi
of Dnipropetrovsk, was planning approaches to several major Philanthropic
Fund donors for assistance in erasing the debt.
5. See
p. 6.
6. Many
Ukrainians view Bogdan Khmelnytsky (1595-1657), a Cossack hetman
or leader, as a great Ukrainian patriot instrumental in awakening
a sense of Ukrainian nationhood in the 17th century. Russians also
honor him as a Russian patriot who brought Ukraine under control
of the Russian empire. Leading a Cossack and peasant uprising against
Polish rule in 1648-49, troops under Khmelnytsky’s command
massacred approximately 100,000 Jews and destroyed about 300 Ukrainian
Jewish villages. Heroic monuments showing Khmelnytsky astride a
charging horse stand in a prominent square in Kyiv and in the city
formerly known as Proskurov, renamed Khmelnytsky in 1954. (The name
Khmelnytsky is often spelled
Chmielnicki in Polish.)
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